Joint Strategy for the Restoration of the Assembly and Executive
- Country/entityIreland
United Kingdom
Northern Ireland - RegionEurope and Eurasia
Europe and Eurasia
Europe and Eurasia - Agreement nameJoint Strategy for the Restoration of the Assembly and Executive
- Date6 Apr 2006
- Agreement statusMultiparty signed/agreed
- Interim arrangementYes
- Agreement/conflict levelInterstate/intrastate conflict(s) ()
- StageImplementation/renegotiation
- Conflict natureGovernment/territory
- Peace processNorthern Ireland peace process
- PartiesTony Blair, then British Prime Minister, and Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister)
- Third parties-
- DescriptionJoint Statement by the Prime Minister and the Taoiseach setting out proposals for the restoration of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the Executive, which includes recalling the Assembly on May 15 2006, and shadow executive nominated.
Groups
- Children/youth
No specific mention.
- Disabled persons
No specific mention.
- Elderly/age
No specific mention.
- Migrant workers
No specific mention.
- Racial/ethnic/national group
No specific mention.
- Religious groups
No specific mention.
- Indigenous people
No specific mention.
- Other groups
No specific mention.
- Refugees/displaced persons
No specific mention.
- Social class
No specific mention.
Gender
- Women, girls and gender
No specific mention.
- Men and boys
No specific mention.
- LGBTI
No specific mention.
- Family
No specific mention.
State definition
- Nature of state (general)
No specific mention.
- State configuration
No specific mention.
- Self determination
No specific mention.
- Referendum
No specific mention.
- State symbols
No specific mention.
- Independence/secession
No specific mention.
- Accession/unification
No specific mention.
- Border delimitation
No specific mention.
- Cross-border provisionPage 2, 10.
If restoration of the Assembly and Executive has to be deferred, the Governments agree that this will have immediate implications for their joint stewardship of the process. We are beginning detailed work on British-Irish partnership arrangements that will be necessary in these circumstances to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement, which is the indispensable framework for relations on and between these islands, is actively developed across its structures and functions. This work will be shaped by the commitment of both Governments to a step-change in advancing North-South co-operation and action for the benefit of all.
Governance
- Political institutions (new or reformed)Governance→Political institutions (new or reformed)→General references[Summary: The agreement in its entirety provides for recalling the Northern Irish Assembly and establishing a power-sharing executive. See 'Executive Coalition' for full provisions.]
Page 1, 4.
The Assembly will therefore be recalled on 15 May. Recognising that it has not sat for nearly four years, it seems sensible to give the Assembly a short period in which to prepare for government as envisaged by paragraph 35 of Strand One of the Good Friday Agreement. The Assembly's primary responsibility would be to elect a First and Deputy First Minister as soon as possible, to allocate Ministerial posts under the d'Hondt formula and to make other preparations for Government within Northern Ireland and in the North/South and East/West fields. - ElectionsPage 2, 9.
While it is reasonable to give the Assembly a little more time, there must be a clear limit. We said in January that a power-sharing Executive must be formed this year. If by 24 November the Assembly has failed to achieve this, we do not believe that any purpose would be served by a further election at that point or a few months later in May 2007. We do not think that the people of Northern Ireland should be asked to participate in elections to a deadlocked Assembly. There would be no choice but to cancel salaries and allowances for MLAs and to defer restoration of the Assembly and Executive until there is a clear political willingness to exercise devolved power. The Governments would, of course, stand ready to facilitate full restoration when all parties indicate such willingness. - Electoral commission
No specific mention.
- Political parties reform
No specific mention.
- Civil society
No specific mention.
- Traditional/religious leaders
No specific mention.
- Public administrationPage 2, 8.
It would of course also be open to the Assembly to prepare for Government by considering issues which the Executive will have to deal with, such as future economic strategy, water rates, public administration and education. Ministers would naturally take account of views which command cross-community support within the Assembly. - Constitution
No specific mention.
Power sharing
- Political power sharingPower sharing→Political power sharing→Executive coalitionSub-state levelPage 1, 4.
The Assembly will therefore be recalled on 15 May. Recognising that it has not sat for nearly four years, it seems sensible to give the Assembly a short period in which to prepare for government as envisaged by paragraph 35 of Strand One of the Good Friday Agreement. The Assembly's primary responsibility would be to elect a First and Deputy First Minister as soon as possible, to allocate Ministerial posts under the d'Hondt formula and to make other preparations for Government within Northern Ireland and in the North/South and East/West fields.
Page 1, 5.
As soon as the Assembly elects a First and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis and forms an Executive, power will automatically be devolved to the Assembly, as happened in December 1999, and all its functions will be resumed. At that point the British Government's power to suspend the Assembly will lapse for good.
Page 1, 6.
If, despite best efforts, the Assembly is not able to elect a First and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis within the normal six week period, we would be prepared to allow a further period of 12 weeks after the summer recess in which to form an Executive and we would expect it to do so at the earliest opportunity within this timeframe.
Page 1-2, 7.
We are also conscious that all parties have made proposals for the better functioning of the institutions and that discussion on these issues has not yet concluded. It would be open to the parties to continue these discussions with each other and with the Governments, as appropriate, so that consideration could be given to proposals for the implementation of the Agreement, including changes to Strands 1 to 3 in the context of a commitment by all involved to participate in a power-sharing Executive.
Page 2, 8.
It would of course also be open to the Assembly to prepare for Government by considering issues which the Executive will have to deal with, such as future economic strategy, water rates, public administration and education. Ministers would naturally take account of views which command cross-community support within the Assembly.
Page 2, 9.
While it is reasonable to give the Assembly a little more time, there must be a clear limit. We said in January that a power-sharing Executive must be formed this year. If by 24 November the Assembly has failed to achieve this, we do not believe that any purpose would be served by a further election at that point or a few months later in May 2007. We do not think that the people of Northern Ireland should be asked to participate in elections to a deadlocked Assembly. There would be no choice but to cancel salaries and allowances for MLAs and to defer restoration of the Assembly and Executive until there is a clear political willingness to exercise devolved power. The Governments would, of course, stand ready to facilitate full restoration when all parties indicate such willingness.Power sharing→Political power sharing→Proportionality in legislatureSub-state levelSummary: Assembly is tasked with establishing the executive, see above. - Territorial power sharing
No specific mention.
- Economic power sharing
No specific mention.
- Military power sharing
No specific mention.
Human rights and equality
- Human rights/RoL general
No specific mention.
- Bill of rights/similar
No specific mention.
- Treaty incorporation
No specific mention.
- Civil and political rights
No specific mention.
- Socio-economic rights
No specific mention.
Rights related issues
- Citizenship
No specific mention.
- Democracy
No specific mention.
- Detention procedures
No specific mention.
- Media and communication
No specific mention.
- Mobility/access
No specific mention.
- Protection measures
No specific mention.
- Other
No specific mention.
Rights institutions
- NHRI
No specific mention.
- Regional or international human rights institutions
No specific mention.
Justice sector reform
- Criminal justice and emergency lawJustice sector reform→Criminal justice and emergency law→Reform to specific lawsPage 2, 11.
The British Government will introduce emergency legislation to facilitate this way forward. It will set out clearly the limited timescale available to the Assembly to reach agreement... - State of emergency provisions
No specific mention.
- Judiciary and courts
No specific mention.
- Prisons and detention
No specific mention.
- Traditional Laws
No specific mention.
Socio-economic reconstruction
- Development or socio-economic reconstructionSocio-economic reconstruction→Development or socio-economic reconstruction→Socio-economic developmentPage 2, 8.
It would of course also be open to the Assembly to prepare for Government by considering issues which the Executive will have to deal with, such as future economic strategy, water rates, public administration and education. Ministers would naturally take account of views which command cross-community support within the Assembly. - National economic plan
No specific mention.
- Natural resources
No specific mention.
- International funds
No specific mention.
- Business
No specific mention.
- TaxationSocio-economic reconstruction→Taxation→Reform of taxationPage 2, 8.
It would of course also be open to the Assembly to prepare for Government by considering issues which the Executive will have to deal with, such as future economic strategy, water rates, public administration and education. Ministers would naturally take account of views which command cross-community support within the Assembly. - Banks
No specific mention.
Land, property and environment
- Land reform/rights
No specific mention.
- Pastoralist/nomadism rights
No specific mention.
- Cultural heritage
No specific mention.
- Environment
No specific mention.
- Water or riparian rights or access
No specific mention.
Security sector
- Security Guarantees
No specific mention.
- Ceasefire
No specific mention.
- PolicePage 1, 2.
...We have also made it clear that all parties should support the police as the most effective way of addressing continuing concerns about criminality. - Armed forces
No specific mention.
- DDR
No specific mention.
- Intelligence services
No specific mention.
- Parastatal/rebel and opposition group forcesPage 1, 2.
When we last met, we noted the historic progress represented by the IRA statement of July 2005. We are convinced that the IRA no longer represents a terrorist threat. By any standards, that is a momentous stage in the history of Northern Ireland. On that basis, we have made it clear that all parties should engage in political dialogue. We have also made it clear that all parties should support the police as the most effective way of addressing continuing concerns about criminality. - Withdrawal of foreign forces
No specific mention.
- Corruption
No specific mention.
- Crime/organised crime
No specific mention.
- Drugs
No specific mention.
- TerrorismPage 1, 2.
When we last met, we noted the historic progress represented by the IRA statement of July 2005. We are convinced that the IRA no longer represents a terrorist threat. By any standards, that is a momentous stage in the history of Northern Ireland. On that basis, we have made it clear that all parties should engage in political dialogue. We have also made it clear that all parties should support the police as the most effective way of addressing continuing concerns about criminality.
Transitional justice
- Transitional justice general
No specific mention.
- Amnesty/pardon
No specific mention.
- Courts
No specific mention.
- Mechanism
No specific mention.
- Prisoner release
No specific mention.
- Vetting
No specific mention.
- Victims
No specific mention.
- Missing persons
No specific mention.
- Reparations
No specific mention.
- Reconciliation
No specific mention.
Implementation
- UN signatory
No specific mention.
- Other international signatory
No specific mention.
- Referendum for agreement
No specific mention.
- International mission/force/similar
No specific mention.
- Enforcement mechanismPage 2, 9.
While it is reasonable to give the Assembly a little more time, there must be a clear limit. We said in January that a power-sharing Executive must be formed this year. If by 24 November the Assembly has failed to achieve this, we do not believe that any purpose would be served by a further election at that point or a few months later in May 2007. We do not think that the people of Northern Ireland should be asked to participate in elections to a deadlocked Assembly. There would be no choice but to cancel salaries and allowances for MLAs and to defer restoration of the Assembly and Executive until there is a clear political willingness to exercise devolved power. The Governments would, of course, stand ready to facilitate full restoration when all parties indicate such willingness.
Page 2, 10.
If restoration of the Assembly and Executive has to be deferred, the Governments agree that this will have immediate implications for their joint stewardship of the process. We are beginning detailed work on British-Irish partnership arrangements that will be necessary in these circumstances to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement, which is the indispensable framework for relations on and between these islands, is actively developed across its structures and functions. This work will be shaped by the commitment of both Governments to a step-change in advancing North-South co-operation and action for the benefit of all.
Page 2, 11.
The British Government will introduce emergency legislation to facilitate this way forward. It will set out clearly the limited timescale available to the Assembly to reach agreement. In parallel with the recalling of the Assembly, we will engage intensively with the parties to establish the trust necessary to allow the institutions not only to function but to flourish. There is a great deal of work to be done. The Governments will do all in their power to restore the institutions and return devolved Government to those elected by the people of Northern Ireland. But the final decisions are for the parties. We hope they will seize the opportunity to move forward. - Related cases
No specific mention.
- SourceIrish Dept of Foreign Affairs
Joint Statement by Tony Blair, then British Prime Minister, and Bertie Ahern, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime Minister), on the recalling of the Assembly, Armagh, (6 April 2006)
"1. In recent months we have held discussions with all the political parties in Northern Ireland with a view to restoring the political institutions and building on the peace and prosperity which have flowed from the Good Friday Agreement.
2. When we last met, we noted the historic progress represented by the IRA statement of July 2005.
We are convinced that the IRA no longer represents a terrorist threat.
By any standards, that is a momentous stage in the history of Northern Ireland.
On that basis, we have made it clear that all parties should engage in political dialogue.
We have also made it clear that all parties should support the police as the most effective way of addressing continuing concerns about criminality.
3. We cannot force anyone to enter the political institutions.
Every part of the political process over the past eight years has been voluntary.
What we can do is to set out what we believe to be a practical framework and a reasonable timescale for moving forward.
While we are conscious of the view that further confidence needs to be established, we also know that time alone is not enough:
trust will not build itself in the absence of positive engagement by all parties.
Everyone in Northern Ireland is aware of the dangers of a political vacuum.
4. The Assembly will therefore be recalled on 15 May.
Recognising that it has not sat for nearly four years, it seems sensible to give the Assembly a short period in which to prepare for government as envisaged by paragraph 35 of Strand One of the Good Friday Agreement.
The Assembly's primary responsibility would be to elect a First and Deputy First Minister as soon as possible, to allocate Ministerial posts under the d'Hondt formula and to make other preparations for Government within Northern Ireland and in the North/South and East/West fields.
5. As soon as the Assembly elects a First and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis and forms an Executive, power will automatically be devolved to the Assembly, as happened in December 1999, and all its functions will be resumed.
At that point the British Government's power to suspend the Assembly will lapse for good.
6. If, despite best efforts, the Assembly is not able to elect a First and Deputy First Minister on a cross-community basis within the normal six week period, we would be prepared to allow a further period of 12 weeks after the summer recess in which to form an Executive and we would expect it to do so at the earliest opportunity within this timeframe.
7. We are also conscious that all parties have made proposals for the better functioning of the institutions and that discussion on these issues has not yet concluded.
It would be open to the parties to continue these discussions with each other and with the Governments, as appropriate, so that consideration could be given to proposals for the implementation of the Agreement, including changes to Strands 1 to 3 in the context of a commitment by all involved to participate in a power-sharing Executive.
8. It would of course also be open to the Assembly to prepare for Government by considering issues which the Executive will have to deal with, such as future economic strategy, water rates, public administration and education.
Ministers would naturally take account of views which command cross-community support within the Assembly.
9. While it is reasonable to give the Assembly a little more time, there must be a clear limit.
We said in January that a power-sharing Executive must be formed this year.
If by 24 November the Assembly has failed to achieve this, we do not believe that any purpose would be served by a further election at that point or a few months later in May 2007.
We do not think that the people of Northern Ireland should be asked to participate in elections to a deadlocked Assembly.
There would be no choice but to cancel salaries and allowances for MLAs and to defer restoration of
the Assembly and Executive until there is a clear political willingness to exercise devolved power.
The Governments would, of course, stand ready to facilitate full restoration when all parties indicate such willingness.
10. If restoration of the Assembly and Executive has to be deferred, the Governments agree that this will have immediate implications for their joint stewardship of the process.
We are beginning detailed work on British-Irish partnership arrangements that will be necessary in these circumstances to ensure that the Good Friday Agreement, which is the indispensable framework for relations on and between these islands, is actively developed across its structures and functions.
This work will be shaped by the commitment of both Governments to a step-change in advancing North-South co-operation and action for the benefit of all.
11. The British Government will introduce emergency legislation to facilitate this way forward.
It will set out clearly the limited timescale available to the Assembly to reach agreement.
In parallel with the recalling of the Assembly, we will engage intensively with the parties to establish the trust necessary to allow the institutions not only to function but to flourish.
There is a great deal of work to be done.
The Governments will do all in their power to restore the institutions and return devolved Government to those elected by the people of Northern Ireland.
But the final decisions are for the parties.
We hope they will seize the opportunity to move forward."